FHI - July 1998

The Impact of South Korea's Fertility Transition on Women's Lives -- July 1998

RESEARCH TRIANGLE PARK, NC, USA -- A dramatic "fertility transition" has occurred in Korea, marked by a decrease in family size and an increase in women's participation in the labor force. But the opportunity to spend less time in reproductive roles (childbearing) and more time in productive roles (income-earning activities) has also created a dual burden as women struggle to manage family and work life. That is one of the conclusions of a pilot project, conducted by the Korea Institute for Health and Social Affairs, the Korean Women's Development Institute, Ewha University, Korea University, Seoul National University, and Konkuk University.

In the 1960s, the Republic of Korea adopted a government policy that encouraged couples to limit their family size to two children. Since then, during the country's rapid economic development, use of family planning has become widespread in South Korea, and the typical family size has dropped from 6 children in 1962 to two or fewer in 1990. During this time, more women have entered the work force -- 39 percent in 1970 compared with 48 percent in 1990.

"Many of the professional women I know have merged their dual roles successfully," said one study participant. "But no one has escaped without personal sacrifice or struggle or inner conflict."

Four small pilot studies were carried out to compare older and younger women's perspectives. Researchers examined the impact of family planning on women's status and participation in the work force, women's participation in political activity, their domestic roles and family relationships, and women's self-identity.

Childbearing and work. Researchers learned that women under age 35 have had nearly universal access to modern family planning services and education, while women over 50 had fewer opportunities to use family planning when they were young.

Today, young Korean women concentrate childbearing in a short time span immediately following marriage. Young women typically started working around age 20, marry at age 23, leave the work force to begin childbearing and return to work once childrearing is complete. Younger women had an average of two children, and the last birth typically occurred less than three years after their first. In contrast, older women married at age 22, had an average of three children, and began their first job at age 26. Older women had their last child 90 months after their first. Older women did not find work outside the home compatible with childbearing. One woman said, "It was the bank which didn't allow a woman to continue work after marriage. That made me quit the job. Today, it seems that the married women could continue working."

As younger women spend less time in childbearing, they are free to spend more time in the work force. However, there is a lag between the country's employment system, which asks women for a commitment to work, and societal expectations, which define women as primary caregivers for children. Child care facilities are inadequate for supporting women's work life outside the home, researchers said. Men's attitudes toward gender roles -- the different roles society prescribes for men and women -- are very traditional, while women's attitudes are changing. Women believe if they are contributing to the family income, men should perform more household chores. Yet, gender roles in Korea continue to be sharply defined, with men retaining most of the family's decision-making authority, although more younger couples share housework.

Family relationships. Traditionally, women's unconditional sacrifice and affection characterized the relationships between mother and child in Korea. However, this bond has weakened. Love and companionship between husband and the wife are becoming a more important criterion upon which a couple decides whether they will continue married life.

Regardless of age or employment status, all women had a strong family orientation.

Older women said that women's primary responsibility was to the family and the home, and careers and political activity were neither appropriate nor desirable. Younger women, however, felt that women could perform multiple roles in society, and, as one woman said, "every woman doesn't need to be good at housekeeping."

Older women based their sense of self on their fulfillment of their roles as hyunmo-yangcho (wise mother and obedient wife). Younger women had lower self-esteem than their older peers, due to uncertainty about women's changing roles and differences in men and women's perspectives. While holding a job provided income and independence, it prevented some younger women from devoting time to family and domestic responsibilities. Women questioned whether they should even try to work outside the home.

Stereotypes. Women of all ages were exposed to gender stereotypes; however, women in their twenties had more flexible views about gender roles. Unexpectedly, women in the older age group had a stronger "masculine" gender identity than those in the younger age group. When older women were asked to described themselves they typically used terms associated with "male" traits, such as "independent" or "aggressive," while younger women described themselves as "submissive."

Sex ratios. The small-family norm is beginning to contribute to an unbalanced sex ratio, due to son preference and sex selection. Younger women are less likely to want sons than older women, who see male children as essential to preserve the family line. Even though attitudes are changing, preference for sons exists among both low-income and middle-income women.

Political activity. Contrary to researchers' expectations, increased political activity has not followed the dramatic drop in fertility. Initially, women, regardless of age, were not interested in politics -- either as observers or as participants in the political process. Surprisingly, women from the younger generation were less interested in politics and also less informed than the older women. When the same younger women participated in another focus group discussion, held after the presidential election and during the country's recent economic turmoil, they had become much more interested in politics. Women said they realized that the country's political climate could affect their day-to-day lives.

This pilot project in the Republic of Korea was part of the Women's Studies Project of Family Health International, a five-year international research project conducted in 10 countries and funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development. The goal of the research was to understand the impact of family planning on women's lives. The project was supported by a grant from the Institute for Social Development and Policy Research, Seoul National University, and by corporate funds from FHI. FHI is a U.S.-based nonprofit organization that conducts research on women's health, family planning and AIDS prevention worldwide.

For more information about these studies, contact Barbara Barnett, Senior Science Writer/Editor, Family Health International, at 1-919-544-7040, Ext. 482. Or fax 1-919-544-7261 or e-mail: bbarnett@fhi.org.

See Also:

The Impact of South Korea's Fertility Transition on Women's Lives -- July 1998